[Corp. Watch] The end of shareholder aristocracy, executive royalty
Corporation Watch
corporation-watch at countercorp.org
Fri Apr 3 15:52:40 EDT 2009
A Need to Re-Connect
By Francesco Guerrera
(Financial Times, March 12) -- In different times, the offer at the
airline check-in counter would have been accepted with alacrity.
But in the midst of the worst economic downturn since the Great
Depression, with an angry public, populist politicians, and an
aggressive press baying for a crackdown on Wall Street's "excesses",
the banker paused for a moment when he heard the usually welcome words.
"Sir, you have been upgraded to first class. Please follow me."
Finally replying, "I am fine in coach, thank you", he gave up the
better seat and opened another chink in the armor of beliefs and
practices that corporate America had built and spread around the world
over decades.
Once hailed as examples of an American dream that rewarded success
with large paychecks, lavish perks, and popular admiration, executives
and their companies have been caught in the grip of a storm that will
revolutionize business.
The deep freeze of capital markets, the implosion of financial
companies, and the resulting rise in governments' sway over the
private sector have called into question some of the foundations of
Anglo-Saxon capitalism.
Long-held tenets of corporate faith -- the pursuit of shareholder
value, the use of stock options to motivate employees, and a light
regulatory touch allied with board oversight of management -- are
being blamed for the turmoil and look likely to be overhauled.
"We are in uncharted waters," says Jack Welch, the former General
Electric (GE) boss who embodied an era when the untrammeled interplay
of market forces, domineering chief executives, and the laser-like
focus on quarterly earnings rises reigned supreme.
If, as it has become painfully apparent, the value system and
operating principles that informed the corporate psyche since at least
the end of the Cold War were found wanting, what should replace them?
Business leaders are by instinct glass-half-full type of people but,
this time, few believe their companies' future lies in their own hands.
The financial sector's role in causing the shocks that have jolted
the world economy has had a big side-effect: The debate on the future
of corporate governance is no longer confined to the boardroom.
Stakeholders ranging from trade unions to activist investors and the
government itself are claiming the right to draw the boundaries of a
new corporate order. In the words of one union leader: "The time for
corporate dictatorships is over. This is our time."
Such pressure, combined with an internal reassessment of companies'
priorities precipitated by the crisis, is starting to crumble one of
the cornerstones of the previous corporate edifice: the cult of
shareholder value.
Since Jack Welch made the concept famous in a speech at New York's
Pierre Hotel in 1981, the short-term goal of rewarding shareholders by
increasing profits and dividends every quarter has become a mantra for
companies around the world.
With the share price of GE and other shareholder-focused companies
soaring, executives from all over the world took up the credo Alfred
Rappaport spelled out in his 1986 book, 'Creating Shareholder Value'.
"The ultimate test of corporate strategy," Rappaport wrote,"the only
reliable measure, is whether it creates economic value for
shareholders."
Fund managers encouraged this attitude, as pressure from their own
quarterly reviews addicted them to the periodic improvements in
earnings and stock prices promised by the prophets of shareholder value.
Today, that focus on the here and now is seen as a root cause of the
world's economic predicament.
"Immediate shareholder value maximization, by itself, was always too
short-term in nature," says Jeffrey Sonnenfeld at Yale School of
Management. "It created a fleeting illusion of value creation by
emphasizing immediate goals over long-term strategies."
Even GE's Welch argues that focusing solely on quarterly profit
increases was "the dumbest idea in the world".
"Shareholder value is a result, not a strategy," Welch says. "Your
main constituencies are your employees, your customers, and your
products." Like many business figures, he wants the task of charting a
new course away from the short-term to fall to directors and executives.
But unions, regulators, and government authorities argue that a drive
for change led by the same corporate elite that helped bring about the
turmoil would not remove the contradictions that undermined the
previous regime.
"We don't feel companies should be run in the interest of short-term
investors and executives who are hell-bent on making a killing
regardless of the risks, and leave taxpayers and real long-term
holders to pick up the pieces," says Damon Silvers of the AFL-CIO.
Unions and "socially responsible" investors argue that the focus on
short-term profits should be replaced not just by long-term strategic
thinking, but also by attention to issues such as the environment and
the needs of customers and suppliers.
The corporate social responsibility movement, on the rise before the
crisis, is likely to receive fresh impetus from an investor
recognition that companies' narrow search for profits was not always
the best strategy.
Many business leaders object to what they regard as the growing
encroachment by the state and other interest groups on their ability
to run the company.
"If there is a danger in the current situation, it is that we don't
know how to exit from this little adventure in socialism so that the
private sector can do what it does best – which is to innovate, grow
and create job," says John Castellani, president of the Business
Roundtable, the lobby group for some of America's largest companies.
But the arrival of President Barack Obama in the White House on the
heels of a Democratic majority in Congress has, coupled with increased
public antipathy towards plutocrats, already resulted in big wins for
unions and other campaigners.
Reforms that activist investors had demanded for years without much
success, such as an (albeit non-binding) annual vote on executive pay,
have already been approved by Congress.
Others, such as "proxy access" -- the right for shareholders to
nominate candidates to the board and vote down underperforming
directors -- are on the way, while the bonus caps imposed on the banks
that took government funds have sent chills down many an executive
spine.
These moves give campaigners new ammunition in the first big battle
to reshape the rules of the business game: executive compensation.
The failure of Wall Street's high-risk, high-reward model is set to
bring about change on two main fronts: top management's pay and the
use of stock options. After years of soaring pay, business chiefs in
America can expect to reap relatively meagre rewards in the coming
years.
As the downturn moved from Wall Street to Main Street, even companies
that have not received federal aid, such as GE, FedEx, and Motorola,
have joined those on government life support in slashing top
executives' compensation.
Many are also re-examining the gap in pay between executives and
other employees.
In America, the discrepancy between the compensation of those at the
top of the corporate tree and those further down the trunk has grown
steadily for decades, reaching an estimated 275 times the average in
2007 and contributing to rising wealth inequality in the country.
A significant portion of the blame for rocketing executive
remuneration and managers' obsession with short-term goals is being
pinned on stock options and other forms of incentive pay.
Hitherto praised as a tool to align executive compensation with
shareholders' gains, options have been increasingly discredited for
rewarding executives for stock market rises that have nothing to do
with them.
In banking, end-of-year awards of options and stock had the added
drawback of remunerating staff well before the company or its
shareholders could find out whether their bets had paid off.
Several banks have announced plans to claw back future bonuses from
employees whose deals sour in later years. But the fall-out from what
one executive calls "an era of rewarding ourselves with other people's
money" will be felt beyond the financial sector.
Regulators and investors look certain to strengthen the link between
pay and long-term performance by introducing measures such as a ban on
the sale of shares and options until after retirement, or even a
straight pay cap.
Fred Smith, founder and chief executive of FedEx, spoke for many
corporate leaders when he predicted, "Some of the fantastic outsized
gains that were offensive to people will be increasingly less likely.
At board level ... [they] will not be looked at as costless to the
shareholders."
Boards themselves will be in the line of fire. The losses suffered by
financial groups have exposed the belief that directors were the
knowledgeable guardians of shareholders' interests as a fallacy -- one
that will not be lost on angry investors and their fee-hungry lawyers.
As a result, the composition of boards is likely to change
dramatically. Russell Reynolds, the doyen of American headhunters,
says directors will have to be both more knowledgeable and more
selfless.
"Gone are the days when directors played a good game of golf, but did
not understand the risk-reward ratio of the business," he says. "And
yet the current environment calls for people who can devote time to
the business for relatively little pay. It is almost a charitable act."
Investors such as Bob Pozen, who runs MFS Investment Management,
believe that listed companies' boards should become more like their
private-equity-owned rivals: smaller, nimbler, and more competent.
"The directors on those boards have the expertise, the time, and the
incentive to fully understand the company's issues," he says.
"Anybody could run a business in the 1990s. A dog could have run a
business," lamented Jeffrey Immelt, who since succeeding Welch at GE
in 2001 has presided over a fall of about three-quarters in the price
of its shares, and this week saw the removal of its triple A credit
rating by Standard & Poor's.
Unfortunately for Immelt and his contemporaries, these are not the
1990s, nor are they the years that followed. As business structures
that were thought to be indestructible collapse in the meltdown, the
corporate sector will have to give up a lot more than first-class seats.
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