[Corp. Watch] Big Paper getting millions to pollute more

Corporation Watch corporation-watch at countercorp.org
Wed Apr 15 16:01:16 EDT 2009


Pulp Nonfiction

A tax loophole could let the ten largest paper companies
rake in a whopping $8 billion -- where's the outrage?

By Christopher Hayes

(The Nation, April 2) -- Two years in Washington have started to make
me feel jaded. I've come to expect that even nobly conceived laws will
be manipulated and distorted for private ends.

But once in a while I hear a story that gives me the queasy feeling
that I'm nowhere near cynical enough. Such is the case with the tale
of the paper industry and the alternative-fuel tax credit.

Thanks to an obscure tax provision, the U.S. government stands to pay
out as much as $8 billion this year to the ten largest paper companies.

And get this: Even though the money comes from a transportation bill
whose manifest intent was to reduce dependence on fossil fuel, paper
mills are adding diesel fuel to a process that requires none in order
to qualify for the tax credit.

In other words, we are paying the industry -- handsomely -- to use
more fossil fuel.

"Which is," as a Goldman Sachs report archly noted, the "opposite of
what lawmakers likely had in mind when the tax credit was established."

The massive tax subsidy has barely been reported in the press, but
it's caused a stir in the paper industry, which is struggling to stay
profitable in the teeth of the recession.

"Everybody's talking about it," paper industry analyst Brian McClay
told me. "In the U.S. and elsewhere in the world -- in Canada and
Brazil and Chile and Europe."

On March 24 International Paper (IP) announced it had received its
first check from the IRS for a one-month period this past fall. The
total? A whopping $71.6 million.

"It's probably close to a billion a year of cash," McClay said. "If
you look at the economics of this business, to make that kind of money
today you'd have to be on another planet." IP's stock rose 12 per
cent on the news.

The origins of the credit are innocent enough. In 2005 Congress
passed the $244 billion transportation bill. It included a variety of
tax credits for alternative fuels such as ethanol and biomass.

But it also included a fifty-cent-a-gallon credit for the use of fuel
mixtures that combined "alternative fuel" with a "taxable fuel" such
as diesel or gasoline. [This was intended to decrease the use of
fossil fuels by replacing a portion of the amount used with
alternative fuels.]

Enter the paper industry. Since the 1930s, the overwhelming majority
of paper mills have cooked wood chips in a chemical solution to
separate the cellulose fibers that are used to make paper from the
other organic material in wood.

The remaining liquid, a sludge containing lignin (the structural glue
that binds plant cells together), is called "black liquor". Because
it's so rich in carbon, black liquor is a good fuel.

The mills use black liquor to produce the heat and other energy
necessary to transform pulp into paper. It's a neat, efficient process
that's cost-effective without any government subsidy.

"Seventy-three percent of the energy we use in our mill system, we
produce," says Ann Wrobleski, IP's vice president for global
government relations. "We feel like we're the original green industry,
if you will."

Not quite. In developed nations, paper is the third-largest
industrial greenhouse-gas emitter, behind the steel and chemical
industries.

By adding diesel fuel to the black liquor, paper companies produce a
mixture that qualifies for the mixed-fuel tax credit -- allowing them
to burn "black liquor into gold," as a JPMorgan report put it.

It's unclear who first came up with the idea -- Wrobleski told me it
was "outside consultants" -- but at some point last fall IP and Verso,
another paper company that was formerly a part of IP began adding
diesel to its black liquor and applied to the IRS for the credit.

(Verso nabbed $29.7 million for its use of mixed fuel in the final
quarter of 2008 at just one of its mills.)

Despite the obvious contrivance of the procedure, Wrobleski is
unapologetic: "The credit is supposed to encourage the use of green
fuel." Sure, I said, but isn't it a bit weird you're now adding diesel
fuel to the process in order to take advantage of it?

"It is what it is," she said.

Others are less charitable. "You use the toilet every day," said one
hedgefund analyst who's been closely following the issue. "Imagine if
you could start pouring a little gasoline into the bowl and get fifty
cents a gallon every time you flushed."

No one in Congress seems to have anticipated this creative maneuver.
This past fall the Joint Committee on Taxation computed the cost of
extending the tax credit for three months and projected it would cost
a manageable $61 million.

It now appears that the extension (which was passed as part of the
TARP) could cost as much as $2 billion before the credits expire at
the end of this calendar year.

In fact, the money to be made from exploiting the tax credit so
dwarfs the money from making paper -- IP lost $452 million in the
fourth quarter of 2008 alone -- that it will likely push paper prices
down, as mills churn at full capacity in order to get as much from the
IRS as they can.

If there's a cloud hanging over the elation in the industry, it's the
sneaking suspicion that once Congress gets wind of this racket, it
will shut it down. "The one comment I do get from people," says
McClay, "is whether it's going to be rescinded or re-drawn before the
end game."

Investment analysts echo this concern. "We think there is some
question as to whether this tax incentive survives to year-end," a
Deutsche Bank analyst wrote recently.

"Most industry leaders would like to keep a low profile on this
issue," the analyst noted. "Unfortunately, we think it is a material
enough issue that it will draw attention." So far, though, to the
surprise of McClay and others, there's been not a peep from Capitol
Hill.

Allen Hershkowitz, a senior scientist at the Natural Resources
Defense Council and director of its paper industry reform project,
told me the industry wields significant clout in Washington, and has
benefited from myriad federal subsidies throughout its history, but
that "this is really a perverse exploitation at the expense of the
environment."

I called the Senate Finance Committee, and a staffer told me they
were "aware of the issue, and are talking with the IRS about the
technical details. The committee intended the credit to be primarily
for transportation fuel and plans to closely review the situation."

Whether or not Congress gets around to turning off the spigot, the
episode is a useful reminder of the persistently ingenious ways the
private sector can exploit even well-intentioned legislation.

Considering that the success of the Treasury Department's recently
announced plan to rescue the financial sector depends, in part, on the
private sector not gaming the rules, the black liquor story seems
particularly germane.



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